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p.1 there are cases when the composition and execution of an action converge in time so that, in the limit, they occur simultaneously. We define such a convergence of composition and execution as improvisation
p.1 improvisation can be an effective choice when a firm faces environmental turbulence that requires action in a time frame that is shorter than a regular planning cycle.
p.2 improvisation might be prompted when planning has not provided all the details or tactics of implementation. Quinn's (1980, 1986) investigation of ten large organizations finds that these organizations refined their general strategic course incrementally as new information emerged from the environment.
p.2 improvisation is a type of innovative behavior that often involves fast learning
p.2 our objectives are twofold: (1) to investigate the conditions in which improvisation is likely to occur and (2) to examine the conditions in which improvisation is likely to be effective.
p.2 Observers typically assume that composition or planning occurs first and is followed at a later time by implementation or execution. In improvisation, the time gap between these events narrows so that, in the limit, composition converges with execution (Weick 1993a). Therefore, the more proximate the design and implementation of an activity in time, the more that activity is improvisational.
This definition is consistent with core conceptualizations of improvisation in several bodies of literature. For example, improvisation is referred to as "thinking in the midst of action" in education (Irby 1992, p. 630), occurring when "acts of composing and performing are inseparable" in communication (Bastien and Hostager 1992, p. 95), "reading and reacting in parallel" in sports psychology (Bjurwill 1993, p. 1383), "real-time composition" (Pressing 1984, p. 142; Pressing 1988) and "making decisions affecting the composition of music during its performance" (Solomon 1986, p. 226) in music, and representing "no split between design and production" in organizational studies (Weick 1993a, p. 6).
p.5-6 We define real-time information flows as those that occur during or immediately prior to an action (Eisenhardt 1989)... we predict that heavier real-time information flows will create more possibilities for organizations to be exposed to unexpected information that invites improvised action. We make this prediction for three reasons. First, real-time information is, by definition, timely. Therefore, unlike information that may get to a decision maker too late for action to be taken, real-time information is inherently more actionable. Second, because it occurs during or immediately prior to an action, real-time information has an urgency to it that is likely to evoke immediate responses, which probably cannot be planned. Third, real-time information flows are more novel because they evolve in a more random manner than non-real-time information.
p.7 By definition, organizational memory represents learned ways of thinking and behaving. As such, memory often is activated automatically in certain situations.
p.8 In addition to providing coordination, real-time information flows enable actors to learn the consequences of their actions as they improvise. This immediate information, in turn, enhances the chance that improvisation will be effective because it creates learning about relevant ongoing events (Gioia 1988; Granovetter 1973, 1985).
p.16 Each improvisation might have, on average, a low expected value as a possible new routine for organization. But on rare occasions, an improvisational act (or "local experiment") might represent a real improvement over prior practices and thus be a very useful experiment (Miner, Moorman, and Bassoff 1997).
p.16 We find that improvisation is prevalent and occurs when organizational memory is low but environmental turbulence is high... These results suggest that there are conditions in which improvisation might be not only what organizations do practice but also what they should practice to flourish.
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